weekend Dec 17 2023
Note to students
Janet Mello doubled Rita Crundwell's take from Dixon IL in just seven years,It took Rita about 22 years. That no one noticed Janet's improved lifestyle, no one checked to see if services were performed, didn't the bank she used wonder where a govt employee was getting all this money, and her husband displayed it on Facebook. One would hope the Army at least fires her su[eriors but really they should be prosecuted as well.
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Janet Yamanaka Mello had a taste for luxury, and she didn't hide it.
The longtime Army civilian employee bought jewelry, designer purses, dozens of high-end vehicles and vintage motorcycles, and properties in Texas and five other states, according to investigators. She'd moved in to a $1.2 million house in one of San Antonio's most desirable neighborhoods.
Federal prosecutors allege she went on a shopping spree from December 2016 to August of this year with more than $100 million she stole from her employer, taking the money from an Army account that pays for a 4-H program for military families. Though not an administrator of the fund, Mello subverted the process to approve payouts from the fund to vendors, including a vendor she owned, the feds allege.
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She set up a company called Child Health and Youth Lifelong Development, or CHYLD, seven years ago and registered it as a vendor for the program, according to the indictment. But the company never provided services for the 4-H program, which encourages children to work on projects in agriculture, health, science and civic leadership. The millions Mello's company scooped up paid for her expensive lifestyle, investigators allege.
Why did it take nearly seven years for anyone in the federal government to catch on?
Many of the large purchases were in her name, but leaders at Joint Base San Antonio-Fort Sam Houston, where she worked, apparently never questioned her about them. And it appears the military didn't conduct an audit of the 4-H program in the time Mello, 57, allegedly carried out her scheme.
"No Army audit caught this, I can tell you that," Assistant U.S. Attorney Justin Simmons said.
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The Army's Installation Management Command at JBSA-Fort Sam Houston did not respond to the San Antonio Express-News' repeated requests for comment, and an investigator with its inspector general's office hung up on a reporter.
Despite the staggering amount of money involved, there were apparently only a handful of checks in place. One of them was the requirement that a supervisor of Mello authorize disbursements from the 4-H fund. But investigators allege that she got around that one by forging the supervisor's digital signature to approve some of the payments to her shell company.
The 10 federal charges filed against Mello are one count of aggravated identity theft, five counts of mail fraud and four counts of engaging in a monetary transaction over $10,000 using ill-gotten proceeds.
"I think not only this program, but government programs across the board, are susceptible to fraud," said former federal prosecutor Robert Almonte Jr., who is now in private practice. "They’re not equipped to monitor these things."
Almonte, who prosecuted cases for the U.S. Attorney's Office in San Antonio, said the fraud Mello is accused of committing appeared to be fairly simple.
"I think sometimes you think the monetary amount — $100 million or many millions — and you assume it was some sort of complex scheme," Almonte said. "But you can boil it down to an employee embezzling from their employer. It’s nothing super complex or discreet on her part.
"In some fraud instances, they at least take steps to make sure to hide their fraud," he added. "There was no apparent attempt to hide what she was doing with the money after the fact."
Like Almonte, Mike Lemoine, who retired from the IRS' criminal investigation division, one of the agencies investigating Mello, noted the alleged theft was "definitely brazen."
Lemoine investigated cases like Mello's, though none of them involved such a staggering amount of money stolen so quickly. He said government officials sometimes rely on the honor system because they don't have the controls in place to prevent fraud.
That's often because of inadequate funding or, in the military's case, staff turnover, said two agents who currently investigate military fraud crimes. They asked not to be identified because they are not authorized to speak with the media.
"They're relying on the good faith standard that the government sometimes employs to conduct business, with the understanding that their employee is not going to rip them off," Lemoine said.
But something as simple as an employee setting up a limited liability company, such as CHYLD, should raise a red flag. Investigators can view LLCs, which protect owners from personal responsibility for the company's debts and other liabilities, as a "a type of concealment" for fraud, Lemoine said.
"We used to call it, 'Hiding in the open,'" he added.
Some civil servants, depending on their pay grade or work environment, are required to disclose any businesses they own or have invested in. They also go through ethical training, where they are reminded of the required disclosures. It was not clear if Mello was required to do so.
Mello, who was indicted Dec. 5, turned herself in Thursday at the federal courthouse in San Antonio. She made her first court appearance and was not deemed a flight risk and released on personal recognizance, without making any public comments about her case.
Her lawyer, Albert Flores, limited his comment because he said he hadn't seen the investigation reports and other information that prosecutor relied on in seeking the indictment against Mello.
"We don't have any information from the government yet," Flores said. "I imagine, based on the nature of the case, that it will be a while and be extensive."
Mello, who is no longer an Army employee, is expected to plead not guilty at her arraignment, which is set for next Thursday.
Her company had been in operation for six years when criminal investigators with the IRS and the Army zeroed in on it, culminating in her indictment.
Lap of luxury
Last week, federal investigators filed paperwork saying they want to keep the $140,000 Mercedes-Benz GLS 63 AMG they seized from Mello.
They want to hang on to some other items, too — a 2018 Mercedes-Benz GTS AMG, which goes for about $100,000; a 2018 Maserati Grand Turismo, worth about $130,000; and 75 other high-end cars, SUVs, trucks and motorcycles owned by or linked to Mello.
In fact, the filing said, the federal government intends to keep all the luxurious accessories, real estate, jewelry, $18 million in cash, and vintage cars and motorcycles seized from or connected to Mello.
The document, known as a “bill of particulars for forfeiture of property,” puts Mello on notice about what items federal agents are targeting for seizure as fruits of her alleged crimes.
“That bill of particulars lists and details the property the government might keep,” said one federal agent, who requested anonymity because he works undercover. “When you go and seize stuff, you don’t know if all of it was acquired as a result of the crimes they are charged with. It's like an inventory, and what it does is let the defendant know that the government is going to seek forfeiture.”
Generally, forfeited property, such as cars, houses, jewelry and real estate, is sold at auction to compensate victims and pay some of the costs for investigating and prosecuting the criminal activity.
Mello's purchases included what amounted to a collector's wish list of motorcycles, including Harley-Davidson, Indian, Triumph, BMW and Ducati bikes, some of them extremely rare and dating to the early 1900s. Also on the list are sought-after classic or muscle cars including a 1966 Ford Mustang, a 1967 Camaro SS and a 1954 Chevrolet Corvette.
In addition to the 78 vehicles, authorities listed 31 properties in Texas and five other states, including posh estates and large tracts of undeveloped land, that agents believe Mello paid for with stolen funds. Some of the property is in Horseshoe Bay, northwest of Austin, and some is near the village of Cloudcroft in the rugged mountains of southeastern New Mexico.
The court filing also listed more than $18 million in cash in six bank accounts owned, controlled by or linked to Mello.
One of the accounts is for a limited liability company Mello runs with her husband, called No W Cattle Co.
The Mellos and their company are or have been members of the Texas-based American Akaushi Association, which promotes Akaushi cattle, a premium Japanese beef breed that came to the United States in the mid-1990s.
Three of the seized bank accounts are in the name of CHYLD, Mello's company.
How it allegedly worked
When Mello started her company in 2016, she worked for the Army as a civilian Child and Youth Services financial program manager, part of the Army's Installation Management Command at Fort Sam Houston. She earned more than $100,000 annually in her job, court records said.
At the time, she was emerging from a personal bankruptcy.
Her job duties included working with the 4-H Military Partnership grant program, which is funded by the Army, Navy and Air Force and involves the U.S. Agriculture Department.
Kansas State University administers the program through 4-H military liaisons and land-grant universities, which provide training and curricula to the service branches so that children from military families can participate in 4-H.
Part of Mello's job was to determine how much money was available for organizations that applied to participate in the program. Her supervisors approved the grants.
Grant awards, which included memos signed by Mello, were sent to the Defense Finance and Accounting Service with instructions to cut checks to successful applicants.
Paperwork she filed in Bexar County related to her company listed its address as a UPS mailbox that she rented on San Antonio's Northeast Side.
DFAS sent checks in amounts Mello requested to the mailbox. She then deposited the checks in bank accounts she controlled, the indictment said.
She allegedly did that more than 40 times.

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